Comprehensive analysis of the Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), its causes, participants, battles, turning points, and consequences.
The Lebanese Civil War: 1975–1990 – A Conflict of Sects, Politics, and Foreign Influence
The Lebanese Civil War lasted from 13 April 1975 to 13 October 1990, resulting in over 120,000 deaths, 17,000 missing persons, and nearly 1 million displaced civilians. It was not a single conflict but a series of interconnected wars driven by sectarian tensions, Palestinian armed presence, political rivalries, and regional interference. The main groups included Maronite Christian militias, Sunni and Shia factions, Palestinian organizations, and Syrian and Israeli forces. The war led to the collapse of the Lebanese state, mass destruction, and the division of Beirut and other cities into sectarian enclaves. Foreign interventions prolonged the conflict and deepened internal divisions. The Taif Agreement in 1989 laid the framework for ending hostilities, though violence persisted until 1990. The war reshaped Lebanon’s political structure and continues to influence its fragile sectarian balance and foreign relations today.
What were the reasons for the Lebanese Civil War
The war began on 13 April 1975 after an ambush on a bus carrying Palestinians in Ain El-Rammaneh, a Christian suburb of Beirut. The immediate trigger was sectarian tension between Maronite Christians and Palestinian factions, but the underlying causes were broader and older.
Lebanon had a fragile sectarian power-sharing system established in 1943, known as the National Pact. It divided key political positions by religion: President (Maronite Christian), Prime Minister (Sunni Muslim), and Speaker of Parliament (Shia Muslim). This formula, based on outdated census data from 1932, increasingly failed to reflect demographic changes, especially the growing Muslim population.
The arrival of Palestinian armed groups after Black September (1970) in Jordan intensified the situation. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) set up bases in Lebanon and launched attacks on Israel from Lebanese territory. Israel retaliated with cross-border strikes. Many Christians saw the PLO presence as a threat to Lebanese sovereignty and balance.
Socioeconomic disparities further strained society. Poor Muslim areas, particularly in the south and the Beqaa Valley, felt marginalized compared to wealthier Christian zones. Political parties were increasingly aligned along religious lines, with militias forming for defense and offense.
The Cold War added another layer. The U.S. and USSR both had regional allies. Lebanon became a battleground for proxy conflicts. Regional powers — Syria, Israel, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Iraq — pursued their interests through local factions.
In short, the war was caused by a mix of sectarian imbalance, external militarization, socioeconomic inequality, and regional interference. The state lacked the tools to address rising tensions or enforce national unity.
Who was involved in the Lebanese Civil War
The conflict involved a wide range of actors, both local and foreign. The Maronite Christian militias formed the core of right-wing forces. The largest was the Phalange (Kataeb) Party’s militia, later integrated into the Lebanese Forces (LF). Others included the Tigers Militia (Al-Ahrar Party) and the Guardians of the Cedars.
Opposing them were leftist, pan-Arab, and Muslim factions, forming the Lebanese National Movement (LNM), led by Kamal Jumblatt. It included the Progressive Socialist Party (Druze), Amal Movement (Shia), Mourabitoun (Sunni Nasserists), and others. These groups aligned with the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).
The Palestinian armed presence in Lebanon was a central issue. The PLO had tens of thousands of fighters and operated as a parallel military force.
Syria entered the war in 1976, first backing the Christians, later shifting its alliances. Syrian troops remained in Lebanon until 2005.
Israel was deeply involved. It supported Christian militias and launched a full-scale invasion in June 1982, occupying large parts of southern Lebanon and Beirut. The South Lebanon Army (SLA), led by Saad Haddad, was an Israeli-backed proxy militia.
Iran entered the scene in 1982, helping to form Hezbollah, a Shia militia opposed to Israel and western presence.
Multinational forces from France, the U.S., the UK, and Italy deployed to Beirut in 1982–1984, mainly to secure evacuations and later humanitarian efforts. The U.S. Marine barracks were bombed in October 1983, killing 241 American servicemen.
Each group pursued its own goals, often shifting alliances. The result was fragmentation, multiple war fronts, and shifting lines of control across the country.
The involvement of foreign powers turned Lebanon into a battleground far beyond its borders. The war was not a binary conflict but a complex, multi-factional struggle, shaped by local grievances and regional ambitions.
The leaders of the Lebanese Civil War
Many political and military leaders shaped the war’s course. On the Christian right, Bachir Gemayel, commander of the Lebanese Forces, became a central figure. He was elected President in August 1982 but assassinated before taking office. His brother, Amine Gemayel, succeeded him and served as President from 1982 to 1988.
Camille Chamoun, former President (1952–1958), led the National Liberal Party and its Tigers Militia, though he later faded from military leadership.
On the Muslim and leftist side, Kamal Jumblatt, founder of the Progressive Socialist Party, led the Lebanese National Movement until his assassination in 1977. His son Walid Jumblatt took over leadership.
Imam Musa al-Sadr, leader of the Shia community and founder of Amal Movement, disappeared mysteriously during a 1978 trip to Libya. Amal was later led by Nabih Berri, still Speaker of Parliament today.
Yasser Arafat, head of the PLO, was a major player, especially during the Israeli invasion of 1982. His organization’s presence in Lebanon shaped the trajectory of multiple military confrontations.
Hafez al-Assad, President of Syria, played a central role in shaping the war’s direction, through diplomacy, military force, and intelligence networks. Syrian influence became embedded in Lebanon’s security and political structures.
Rafik Hariri, though not a warlord, emerged in the late 1980s as a key financier and broker, contributing to post-war reconstruction and later serving multiple terms as Prime Minister until his assassination in 2005.
Hassan Nasrallah, leader of Hezbollah since 1992, rose after the war but had roots in the last years of the conflict. His group had already become a central force by 1989.
The leadership landscape was fragmented and highly militarized. Traditional politicians lost influence to militia commanders who became power brokers. Many of these figures, including former militia leaders, remain part of Lebanon’s political establishment.
Was there a decisive moment?
There was no single decisive moment, but rather a sequence of critical developments. One major shift occurred in 1982 with Israel’s invasion, aimed at expelling the PLO and securing its northern border.
The siege of Beirut (June–August 1982) was a defining episode. Israeli forces surrounded West Beirut, home to the PLO and allied militias. The PLO was evacuated to Tunisia, changing the military and political balance. However, this did not end the war.
Another key event was the assassination of Bachir Gemayel on 14 September 1982, just days after being elected President. His death led to massacres in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, carried out by Christian militias, while Israeli forces controlled access. The event sparked international outrage and intensified sectarian divisions.
The bombing of the U.S. Marine barracks in October 1983 by a suicide attacker was another critical moment. It led to the withdrawal of multinational forces and weakened western engagement.
In 1984, the collapse of the May 17 Agreement (a U.S.-brokered Israel-Lebanon peace deal) marked a failed attempt at diplomatic resolution.
From 1985 to 1988, the war became more fragmented. Fights erupted within sectarian groups, particularly Shia-on-Shia clashes between Amal and Hezbollah, and Christian internal conflicts between Lebanese Forces factions.
By 1989, the Taif Agreement, negotiated in Saudi Arabia, brought partial consensus among MPs to restructure the political system. It reduced presidential powers, expanded parliamentary representation, and emphasized Muslim-Christian parity.
But the agreement did not immediately end violence. Fighting between Michel Aoun’s forces and Syrian troops continued until October 1990, when Aoun was ousted, marking the effective end of the war.
Each moment reshaped the conflict but failed to provide a definitive resolution until external military intervention and political compromise aligned. Decisiveness came not from battlefield outcomes, but from exhaustion, external pressure, and enforced political settlement.
Major battles of the Lebanese Civil War
The Lebanese Civil War consisted of multiple overlapping conflicts rather than a linear sequence of battles. However, several military confrontations had substantial strategic impact.
Battle of the Hotels (1975–1976)
This early phase saw intense urban combat in central Beirut, especially around the Holiday Inn and St. Georges Hotel. The Phalange militia and Palestinian-LNM forces fought for control over symbolic and tactical positions in the hotel district. The fighting devastated the city center and entrenched the division between East and West Beirut.
Siege of Tel al-Zaatar (1976)
This refugee camp in East Beirut, housing around 20,000 Palestinians, was besieged by Christian militias, including the Phalange and Tigers. After a 52-day siege, the camp fell on 12 August 1976, followed by a massacre of civilians. Syrian artillery had supported the attackers, revealing the shifting role of Syria in the conflict.
Hundred Days War (1978)
Fighting erupted between Christian militias and Syrian troops in East Beirut. The conflict lasted from February to April 1978, with intense shelling and street combat. The Lebanese Forces resisted Syrian attempts to dislodge them from Christian-controlled areas. The battle ended in a Syrian artillery withdrawal but worsened the sectarian isolation of Beirut.
Israeli Invasion (1982)
On 6 June 1982, Israel launched Operation Peace for Galilee, deploying over 60,000 troops and 800 tanks. The goal was to expel the PLO from Lebanon. The Battle of the Coastal Highway saw Israeli advances through Tyre, Sidon, and up to Beirut. The Siege of Beirut lasted nearly three months, with 11,000 air raids and 15,000 civilian casualties estimated. The PLO agreed to evacuate in August 1982.
Sabra and Shatila Massacre (1982)
Following Bachir Gemayel’s assassination, Christian Phalangist militias entered the refugee camps under Israeli supervision. Over 700 civilians were killed over three days, drawing global condemnation. Though not a conventional battle, this episode had profound political consequences.
War of the Camps (1985–1987)
Intra-Palestinian and Shia-Palestinian violence flared in West Beirut. Amal Movement, backed by Syria, besieged refugee camps controlled by PLO loyalists. The sieges of Sabra, Shatila, and Bourj el-Barajneh lasted for months. Thousands were killed or displaced. This conflict weakened Palestinian influence and deepened Shia militarization.
Elimination War (1989–1990)
This was the final phase of the conflict, fought between General Michel Aoun, heading the Lebanese Army, and the Lebanese Forces militia, under Samir Geagea. Aoun declared a “War of Liberation” against Syrian forces in March 1989, rejecting the Taif Agreement. Clashes extended into East Beirut and Mount Lebanon. In October 1990, Syrian air strikes and ground troops attacked Aoun’s headquarters at Baabda Palace. Aoun fled to the French embassy, ending active hostilities.
The war produced no clear military victor, but the Taif Agreement, Syrian dominance, and militia exhaustion gradually led to de-escalation. These battles reshaped territorial control, weakened state institutions, and fostered a war economy.
Was there a turning point?
The conflict evolved through phases, but one identifiable turning point was the Israeli invasion in 1982. It significantly altered the military and political landscape. The removal of the PLO, which had become a quasi-state actor, changed power balances among Lebanese factions. However, the vacuum left by the PLO allowed other militias — particularly Hezbollah — to expand.
Another turning point came with the failure of the May 17 Agreement in 1984. This U.S.-brokered accord between Israel and Lebanon collapsed under Syrian pressure and domestic opposition, ending hopes for an Israeli-aligned government.
By the mid-1980s, the internal fragmentation of militias marked a major shift. Battles were no longer only across sectarian lines but also within communities. For instance, Hezbollah clashed with Amal, and Lebanese Forces fought internal rivals. This internal fracturing eroded ideological fronts and reduced public support for militias.
In 1988, the end of Amine Gemayel’s presidential term without a successor led to a dual government: Michel Aoun was appointed as interim Prime Minister in violation of sectarian norms, deepening institutional collapse. Aoun’s attempts to oust Syrian troops through force led to new phases of combat but also increased international pressure for resolution.
The Taif Agreement in October 1989, drafted under Saudi sponsorship, formalized constitutional reforms, called for militia disarmament, and recognized Syrian tutelage over security matters. Although it did not end all violence immediately, it aligned major actors toward a ceasefire.
The Syrian offensive in October 1990, resulting in Aoun’s removal, effectively ended the conflict. From that point, the Lebanese Army reasserted control, and most militias either disbanded or integrated into state institutions — except Hezbollah, which retained its arms under the pretext of resisting Israeli occupation in the south.
These shifts combined into a transition from open warfare to political normalization, with foreign mediation and military enforcement playing decisive roles in reshaping post-war Lebanon.
Consequences of the Lebanese Civil War
The Lebanese Civil War caused widespread destruction, institutional collapse, and long-term demographic and political effects. More than 120,000 people were killed, with over 17,000 still missing. Nearly one million residents were displaced during the fighting. Entire neighborhoods in Beirut, Tripoli, Sidon, and the Chouf Mountains were depopulated or destroyed.
The war deeply altered the country’s demographic balance. Sectarian areas became more homogenized as populations fled mixed districts. This process, often referred to as confessional segregation, shaped post-war urban and rural geography. In Beirut, the Green Line remained a symbol of division between East and West sectors, even after the war ended.
The economic toll was severe. Lebanon’s GDP contracted by over 50% during the war years. Industrial and service sectors collapsed, foreign investment dried up, and the national currency plummeted in value. By 1987, Lebanese inflation had reached triple digits. The infrastructure — including ports, airports, roads, and power grids — was extensively damaged.
Politically, the Taif Agreement (1989) restructured the system by increasing Muslim representation in Parliament and reducing Presidential powers. It preserved sectarian quotas, ensuring power-sharing by confession rather than dismantling it. While it ended military conflict, it reinforced sectarian politics as the basis of governance. Many warlords became politicians, integrating their networks into formal institutions.
The Syrian military presence, formalized under Taif, became a dominant feature. From 1990 to 2005, Syria exercised control over Lebanese security services and political appointments, creating a satellite political environment. Syrian withdrawal came only after Rafik Hariri’s assassination in 2005, which sparked the Cedar Revolution.
Militias were formally disarmed, except Hezbollah, which was allowed to retain its arms under the argument of resisting Israeli occupation. This military exception had lasting consequences. Hezbollah’s continued armament created an imbalance in state authority and allowed it to develop into a parallel force with social, economic, and military branches.
Socially, the war normalized violence and militia culture. Generations grew up during war, and trauma, memory, and political identity became deeply linked to sectarian affiliation. Education, media, and political narratives remain divided along these lines.
The war also reshaped Lebanon’s foreign policy orientation, linking it more closely to regional actors like Syria, Iran, and Saudi Arabia while reducing independent diplomacy. Thirty years after the war’s end, its institutional and psychological imprint remains central to Lebanon’s political and social fragility.
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